To decommodify survival is the first blow against capital. The second must fall upon the political architecture that protects it.
Capital does not merely dominate through markets; it governs through institutions designed — whether by design or by decay — to dilute popular power and amplify concentrated interests. Reform must therefore target not only wealth, but the mechanisms through which wealth translates itself into rule.
Lobbying, in its present form, is the clearest expression of this conversion. It is legalized bribery — a permanent corridor through which corporate power drafts legislation in its own favor. When policy is written by those who stand to profit from it, democracy becomes an illusion of choice within preselected boundaries. To ban lobbying is not symbolic moralism; it is the severing of the financial umbilical cord between private capital and public law.
Yet even absent lobbying, a permanent political class entrenches itself. Career legislators accumulate influence, donor networks, and strategic alliances that render them effectively irremovable. Politics becomes a profession insulated from consequence. Universal term limits disrupt this consolidation. Rotation in office prevents the formation of a governing caste and reasserts the principle that political authority is a temporary delegation — not a lifetime entitlement.
But structural distortion runs deeper still.
The Electoral College stands as a relic of compromise that now functions as a stabilizer of minority rule. By filtering the popular will through an intermediary mechanism, it insulates executive power from direct democratic accountability. It allows disproportionate influence to smaller blocs while diffusing the collective agency of the population as a whole. In practice, it creates conditions in which national leadership may diverge from majority consent, reinforcing alienation and entrenchment.
A system that devalues one person’s vote relative to another’s based on geography perpetuates uneven political leverage. When combined with capital influence, it compounds the insulation of power from the populace. To abolish the Electoral College and institute direct popular election of the executive is not mere procedural reform — it is the reassertion of equal political weight for each citizen.
And yet even these corrections remain insufficient if financial sovereignty persists elsewhere.
Entities such as BlackRock represent not mere corporations, but centralized command nodes of financial capitalism. Through asset aggregation, they exert quiet dominion over housing markets, infrastructure, agriculture, defense contractors, and technological enterprises. They shape economic reality without ever appearing on a ballot. Such concentration is incompatible with meaningful democracy.
To nationalize systemically dominant financial institutions is to reclaim structural leverage. It is to prevent the privatized coordination of society’s material base. Without this step, political reform remains perpetually vulnerable to economic coercion — capital strikes, investment withdrawal, manufactured crises.
Thus the trajectory clarifies:
Ban lobbying to end the direct purchase of legislation.
Impose universal term limits to dismantle political entrenchment.
Abolish the Electoral College to restore equal democratic weight.
Nationalize systemically dominant financial institutions to dissolve private command over the material base.
Guarantee universal basic assets to remove survival from market coercion entirely.
Each measure strikes at a different layer of concentrated power: economic, political, procedural, and structural.
The aim is not to perfect representation within a fundamentally coercive order. It is to progressively eliminate the mechanisms by which wealth entrenches itself and minority power perpetuates itself against the majority.
Only when survival is secure, political influence equalized, and financial command decentralized can hierarchy begin to wither. Only then can creative and intellectual life exist without subordination to market viability or political patronage.
The revolution worthy of the name does not rage blindly — it dismantles deliberately.
And it begins by identifying the machinery.
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The case against Republics and for Anarchism
I'm working on an archive project that is going to end up being some important texts, mixed with my own thoughts and observations. I'm temporarily using Gaia as a place to store these thought pieces. I'm not here to debate you, I'm just quietly debun